Saturday, May 7, 2011

Nemasket Automobile Company, 1911-42


Nemasket Automobile Company, Middleborough
MA, stock certificate, early 1900s
The Nemasket Automobile Company was one of the earliest Hudson dealerships in southern New England and likely the first in southeastern Massachusetts. In operation between 1911 and 1942, the firm was prominent among Middleborough’s early automobile dealerships, retailing not only Hudsons and Hudson-built Essex, Essex-Terraplane and Terraplane makes, but Dodge and and Willys-Knight automobiles, Denby trucks and Yale motorcycles as well.

The Nemasket Auto Company was established on April 3, 1911, with John W. Howes (1850-1926) as president, Howes’ son John G. Howes (1887-1971) as treasurer and manager, and William L. Whittier. The younger Howes and Whittier both had previously been employed by Carlton W. Maxim’s Middleboro Auto Exchange. The Exchange was a retailer, repairer and lessor of automobiles and was later affiliated with the Maxim Motor Company which at that time had yet entered the field of fire apparatus manufacturing and still engaged strictly in automotive sales and repairs. John W. Howes appears to have been involved in the Nemasket Automobile Company primarily as financier to the operation and probably had little day-to-day involvement with the conduct of the firm which came to include three of his other children. Whittier died shortly after the establishment of the firm and was succeeded by Harry W. Howes (1886-1970), Bernard Howes (1893-1979), and Miss Alice Howes (1890-1952) who also assumed the role of office manager in 1927.

Nemasket Automobile Company building,
15 Wareham Street, Middleborough, MA,
photographed May 4, 2011, by Mike Maddigan
The structure at 15 Wareham Street was
constructed as an addition to the original
Southworth paint shop in 1916 by the Nemasket
Automobile Company.  The Southworth shop
originally stood to the right of the central gabled
portion of the present building.
To house the new dealership and garage, the Nemasket Auto Company acquired the former carriage and sign painting shop of Rodney E. Southworth which stood on Wareham Street near the Four Corners at the head of Clifford Street. Alterations were made to the wood-frame building where carriages and wagons were once painted on the second floor. The dealership would remain in this location throughout its existence.

Hudson "33" advertisement, Hudson Motor
Car Company, 1911
One of the first vehicles sold by the
Nemasket Automobile Company following
its opening in April, 1911, was a Hudson
"33".
The Nemasket Auto Company opened its doors in April, 1911, and one of its first sales was of a Hudson “33” touring car to Roswell Shurtleff of Carver. Within weeks, the Middleboro Gazette reported that the new firm was “enjoying a fine business” and described the layout of the operation. “The repair room is light and comfortable, and the equipment of tools for jobs, large or small, is first class. [John G. Howes] has an office and stock room at the front of the ground floor, and a ladies’ retiring room is under construction on the upper floor. A new wash stand [presumably an early car wash] adjoining the building is soon to be erected.” Though the firm was busily engaged in sales and repairs once it opened, work continued on the premises throughout the summer and fall. It was not until July, 1911, that a sign painted by G. Fred Standish was finally put up marking the business and not until late March, 1912, that the second floor was finally fitted as “a waiting room for ladies and gentlemen” approached by a separate flight of stairs.

Nemasket Automobile Company
Premises, plan by Mike Maddigan
Initially, the Nemasket Auto Company’s dealt strictly in Hudsons, and December, 1911, saw the firm advertising the new 1912 self-starting Hudson “33” in four models – Touring, Torpedo, Roadster and Mile-a-Minute Speedster – each for $1,600. In addition to automobile sales, however, the company offered repair services on all makes, and also provided chauffeuring services for individuals in need of automotive transportation. Bernard Howes was engaged in this task during 1912-13, transporting W. R. Farrington of the Massachusetts highway commission about, traveling over 100 miles each day. (No doubt chauffeuring clients about in a brand new Hudson helped advertise the product and increase its visibility). Besides Howes, other early employees of the firm included Ira B. Maddigan, Hazell F. Norton, James Coombs, Herbert Peck, and T. Sherburne Howes.

To keep alert to the latest developments in the automotive field, John G. Howes frequently attended functions sponsored by the Hudson Motor Car Company. In March, 1912, he attended the Hudson booths at the Boston automobile show, and in July, 1912, traveled to Detroit to view Hudson’s 1913 models including the Hudson “37” which Howes termed “the best ever”. Additionally, Nemasket Company mechanics were rigorously trained in the intricacies of Hudson-built machines with Hazell F. Norton attending a three-week training school for Hudson mechanics in Detroit in early 1913.

Hudson Six-40 advertisement, Hudson
Motor Car Company, 1915
In the mid-1910s, the Nemasket
Automobile Company increasingly
featured Hudson six-cylinder models in
its advertising as Hudson began to shift
towards production of the higher power
vehicle.
In August, 1913, Howes received a 1913 demonstrator model which the local newspaper proclaimed as “a classy affair”. Residents of the region apparently agreed. Within seven weeks, Howes had sold six 1913 models. “In four days [in late October] he sold a machine each day for spring delivery. He has delivered one four cylinder machine to Brockton parties and has sold two machines to Plymouth parties and three to Middleboro.” The fact that the newspaper noted the number of cylinders reflected the fact that Hudson had begun to transition to the production of more powerful six-cylinder models at this time. In late November, Howes delivered one of these six-cylinder models to E. P. Washburn of Marion, making a total of seven sold “within a few weeks.” By 1914, Nemasket’s advertising focused nearly exclusively on six cylinder models including the Hudson Six-40 for $1750 and the Hudson Six-54 for $2250. With the business having been set on a successful course, changes were able to be made to the building to help facilitate further sales growth and one-story addition was constructed in late 1913 for use as a combined office and showroom.

Yale Motorcycle advertisement, mid 1910s
 The alterations may also have been prompted by the new line of sales which Nemasket entered in 1914 when it acquired the Plymouth County agency for Yale motorcycles. A year earlier, in February, 1913, a great deal of local interest in motorcycles had been reported locally and Nemasket’s acquisition of the Yale agency sought to tap into this demand. “Come and examine the wonderful transmission of the new Yale motorcycle,” the firm’s advertising invited. “See how simple and free from complication it is, and yet how remarkably effective. Have us show you how easily it climbs the steepest hills, and what tremendous pulling power this machine possesses.” No doubt, nearby Barden Hill provided the means for this test.

Hudson Brougham advertisement,
Hudson Motor Car Company, 1925
Though Hudsons would remain the Nemasket Auto Company’s primary product (including Hudson’s moderately-priced Essex, Essex-Terraplane and Terrplane automobiles which were produced by Hudson between 1922 and 1938), the firm at various times would also hold the local agencies for Dodge and Willys-Knight automobiles, as well as Denby trucks, and it also sold used (or what were then termed “second hand”) cars of all makes. Howes explained that “the good demand for our Hudson Sixes has enabled us to take in some good second hand cars at very interesting prices.” In September, 1914, Howes sold E. G. Stevens of West Wareham a 1911 Jackson touring car, and used cars advertised in January, 1915, included a 1912 Hudson “33” touring car, a 1912 Overland touring car, a 1914 Hudson Six with electric starting and lighting) and a Maxwell roadster.

Then, as now, automobile advertising was a fixture of the local newspaper, and the Nemasket Auto Company’s ads were a frequent fixture in the Middleboro Gazette.

Hudson Coach advertisement, Hudson
Motor Car Company, 1925
Though changes were made to the showroom and garage building in late 1914, with floors being concreted, the walls fire-proofed with a plaster-like material held in place by wire reinforcement netting, and a steam heating plant constructed in the rear, another major change was undertaken in spring, 1916, with the construction of a large fire-proof addition. To construct the addition, the neighboring Sparrow House which stood immediately to the west of the garage building was disassembled in February, 1916, by Bertram L. Thomas (who reportedly used the lumber to construct houses at Fall Brook). The addition built by G. W. Starbuck and Son of Middleborough, was a one-story structure with a basement garage. Once completed, it brought the available floor space to nearly 15,000 square feet with room for offices, a showroom, repair shop and machine shop. (Later, a second story would be added to give the building its present appearance).

The fire proof construction of the building was tested at least twice during Nemasket’s tenure there. On the evening of July 22, 1918, “while supplying gasoline from a sentry to a motorcycle, in which the headlights were burning, the gasoline caught fire and this spread rapidly over the machine and the sentry. It was extinguished by a Pyrene tank almost before the [fire] department arrived.” Another fire on the morning of November 23, 1928, ignited from sparks from the chimney, setting the roof temporarily on fire. It was “quickly subdued by chemicals.”

As elsewhere, automobile sales in Middleborough were competitive and the town had its own 1920s equivalent of the modern day “auto mile” in the form of Wareham Street. In addition to the Nemasket Auto Company, Wareham Street was also home to Charles R. Chase’s Riverside Garage (Ford), the Maxim Motor Company (Overland) and the Howes & Perkins Garage (Chevrolet). A short distance away, Bailey’s Garage at Rice and Sproat Streets held the Buick, Peerless and G. M. C. truck agencies; W. L. Aller’s Studebaker Service Station at Everett Square sold Studebakers; the Triangle Auto Company on Vine Street held the agency for Reo automobiles for Middleborough, Lakeville, Bridgewater and Halifax; and H. H. Dunham’s Garage at the Lakeville Upper Four Corners sold Chandler cars, Cleveland cars and Walker-Johnson trucks.

"Hudson's Great 8" advertisement,
Hudson Motor Car Company, 1930
By 1930, Hudson and Nemasket were
focused on advertising the company's
latest 8-cylinder models.
To remain competitive in this environment, the Nemasket Garage offered repair services, sold gasoline (including Socony at one time which was advertised as “the World’s Best Gasoline”), and retailed automobile parts and both Goodyear and Fisk tires. In 1921, taking advantage of a change in the law relative to automobile headlamps, Howes established a testing room at the garage where “lamps may be properly focused and the owner of the machine on which the new lenses are being adjusted may take note of the difference in the manner in which the rays are diffused.”

Additionally, the garage sought to promote its principal product through highly-advertised events and programs. One of these held on July 24, 1929, featured Irving D. Thompson of the Hudson Motor Car Company who presented a three-reel film at the garage followed by “a comprehensive lecture” on the chassis of the new Hudsons.

Nemasket Automobile
Company building, 15
Wareham Street,
Middleborough, MA,
photographed May 4,
2011 by Mike
Maddigan
Detail of garage ramp
built on the site of the
former Sparrow House.
The Nemasket Automobile Company premises were thoroughly modernized in keeping with the desire to best display its products. In May, 1921, contractor Fred L. Hanson made alterations to the building, including the transformation of the office which stood directly fronting Wareham Street into a showroom addition. It was probably at this time that large plate glass display windows were installed. Certainly they were in place by 1930 when one was broken, ironically by a stone kicked up by a passing automobile. The grounds were concreted in August, 1929.

The Nemasket Auto Company remained in operation through 1942 when John G. Howes retired from the business. At that time, the company’s showroom and shop building on Wareham Street was acquired by Maxim Motors which relocated its sales and repair operations there. The building still stands at what is now 15 Wareham Street near Clifford Street.


Wednesday, May 4, 2011

Distributing Sugar, 1918


Plymouth County Sugar
Distribution Coupon, December, 1918
Unlike during World War II with its ration books and O. P. A. tokens, Middleborough and Lakeville in World War I were not subjected to compulsory food rationing, though the voluntary rationing of foodstuffs was encouraged by such organizations as the United States Food Administration and more locally by the Plymouth County Food Distributors’ Association.  Wheat, meat and sugar were all important foods which the government sought to conserve in order to supplement the food rations of America’s European allies.  Promotions such as “meatless Mondays” and “wheatless Wednesdays” looked to alter American eating habits and aid the war effort. Regarding sugar, the United States Food Administration produced posters promoting its conservation and the adoption of voluntary restrictions upon its consumption.  “Save that we may share” and “be proud to be a food saver” reminded the Food Administration.  While the nation was successful in reducing its food consumption by 15% and rationing was avoided, the distribution of goods was still strictly regulated as was the case of sugar.  To aid in local sugar distribution, Plymouth County instituted a formalized system with tickets such as the one pictured here being issued to control distribution of sugar.  Regulations upon the distribution of sugar remained in place for a number of months after the Armistice on November 11, 1918.

"Your Sugar Ration", U. S. Food Administration, Poster, 1917-18

Monday, May 2, 2011

Plymouth & Middleboro Railroad Preliminary Survey, 1889



As originally surveyed in 1889, the proposed route of the Plymouth & Middleboro Railroad between the Green at Middleborough and Darby in Plymouth was much different than the course finally accepted.  Rather than running most of the way north of Plymouth Street as it ultimately did, the course of the railroad as originally surveyed crossed to the south side of Plymouth Street near Short Street in Middleborough, passed directly over Savery's Pond at Waterville, and ran to the south side of the North Carver Green.  From there, the railroad would have been laid out in a large arc, running to the south of Wenham Pond in Carver before returning in a northerly direction to Darby Pond.  It is likely that this proposal was dropped in favor of the route which was finally adopted for financial and strategic reasons.  In contrast to the 1889 plan, the final route greatly reduced the number of grade crossings, eliminated the need for a causeway across or a bridge over Savery's Pond, and considerably reduced the trackage between North Carver and Darby by creating a more direct route.  (To view the original preliminary survey in its entirety, click on the source reference below).

Source: "Map Showing the Lines of Preliminary Survey and Office Location Line of the Plymouth and Middleboro Railroad", James M. Hodge, Chief Engineer, 1889.  Massachusetts State Library.

Saturday, April 30, 2011

The Sinking of Farina, 1913


On August 9, 1913, an overloaded power boat, Farina, sank in Long Pond with the loss of seven lives. Historically, it is the worst single tragedy to have ever occurred on the ponds in Lakeville.

The party which embarked aboard Farina, a craft owned by Albert Joan of Brockton, planned an evening cruise to Lakeside Park at the southern end of the pond in Freetown where they proposed attending a dance. Those passengers residing in New Bedford planned on returning to the city by trolley while the remainder were to return to Lewis Island in Lakeville where they were guests at a number of cottages there. “All of the party were young and bent on a good time. Their singing could be heard as they left shore, but before they had gone far their song was shifted into shrieks for help which startled campers along the shore”, recorded one local newspaper at the time.

The Accident

The members of the party were guests of Luther M. Dayton, 24, of 22 Bay Street, New Bedford who owned a cottage on Second (now Lewis) Island in Lakeville. Among the members setting out that evening were Dayton; the occupants of the neighboring cottage, R. James Stevens and his fiancée Miss Attie Hamilton of Taunton; four female employees of the Sharp Mill of New Bedford and their chaperone Mrs. Raymond; and George E. Wright of Brockton and his fiancée Miss Edith Haven who were also staying on the island. Dayton later explained to the press how the members of this party of relative strangers had come together.

I seated the party and I was the one to ask the last four people to join our original party of five, myself and the four New Bedford girls. We were going over to Lakeside where the girls were going to have a dance and return to New Bedford. I didn’t think my boat would be safe as it is only a little sixteen footer, and very narrow, but I had the use of Joan’s boat and went over after it. Mr. Wright and Miss Havens were at the [Joan] house and I didn’t think it was quite right to take their boat without asking them to go along. At first they said they didn’t care to but I urged and unfortunately they came. Stevens and Miss Hamilton were in the next house and I asked them to come along too and they did. People have spoken about it’s being queer that we hadn’t met in the party before, and that is the way it happened.

Map showing the approximate
course of Farina on August 9,
1913.
Of the ten aboard the boat that night, it was later reported that Mrs. Henry W. Raymond, 40, was the sole member who could swim.

The boat Dayton borrowed was Farina, an eighteen-foot power boat owned by Albert Joan of Brockton, a fellow cottager on Lewis Island. At the time of the tragedy, it was described as follows: “The cockpit is about 10 feet long, and three feet wide, and on either side is a row of seats. In the middle was the engine, taking up more than two feet of running space.” As the Lewis Island cottage owners formed a closely-knit community, Dayton and Joan were well acquainted and Dayton had previously been lent the use of Farina for outings and was familiar with the craft.

The boat had started out well enough with Dayton as engineer seated in the stern near the engine, and Stevens at the wheel. It was later reported that either on the approach to Goat (Ram) Island, or just after the island had been passed off the port side and Farina had entered open water, “the boat suddenly sprang a leak in the bow…. The first intimation they had that the boat was not in seaworthy condition was when the water from what the press initially reported as a leak in the bow rose over the flooring, wetting their feet. A hasty examination showed that the boat was taking water in water.” A couple of survivors would later state their belief that the “bottom had dropped out” of the boat, so rapid was the intake of water. “Before those aboard could do anything the water had risen in the bottom of the boat to such a degree that it stalled the engine. Mr. Dayton made several attempts to get the engine working again, at the same time shouting to Mr. Stevens, who was in the bow, to head the boat toward the nearest shore, that of Goat Island.”

As the stern began to go under water, the party was thrown into a state bordering on panic….” Dayton himself later stated that as the boat began to sink, the women initially panicked and began to scream. “I will never forget the screams of the girls as it went down.” Mrs. Raymond’s statement later corroborated this, noting that “everybody screamed and made frantic grasps for anything.”

Initial press reports of the accident stated that “members of the party, terrified and frantic, grabbed oars and endeavored to paddle the boat toward the island” while Stevens steered a course towards where he believe Goat Island lay in the darkness. Dayton, however, gave a different picture. Following the initial panic, he ordered the party into the bow and told them to remain calm. Amazingly, they did so, but “before they could make any appreciable progress” and still nearly two hundred yards from the nearest shore, the boat suddenly sank. Dayton would later estimate that a mere ten minutes had elapsed between the initial sight of water in the boat and the final sinking.

There is some conflict regarding which end of the boat sank first. Early reports indicate that the water was believed to have entered at the bow though subsequent accounts are more correct, indicating that the boat sank stern first and that the bow was kept partly afloat by a nearly empty gasoline tank at that end.

With the boat slipping below the surface of the pond, Dayton and Stevens did their best to save the other members of the party. Dayton recalled, “Then came the horrible struggle to keep the girls on the boat. Stevens and I tried our best to hold them forward, standing on the gunwales, and we kept encouraging them as much as we could but one by one they would slip away silently into the blackness, and we wouldn’t see or hear anything more from them. My God it was horrible.”

The Rescue

The rescue of the Farina passengers was hampered by a number of factors, including the lack of navigation lights on the boat coupled with the dark evening, as well as the fact that those who heard the desperate cries for help may have initially discounted them.

At the time, as now, Long Pond was a popular recreation area, and summer boating was a pastime pursued by many. Shouts and cries from the various craft on the pond were commonplace, as boaters plied the pond, “go[ing] up and down the pond, singing and shouting.” Recognizing that residents on the shore might mistake their cries of help for innocent revelry, Dayton ultimately ordered the women to be still.

We were near the shore we thought and you would have thought that with all our screaming for help somebody would have heard us more quickly than they did. I ordered the girls to keep still while I called alone so that perhaps people who didn’t understand could hear what the matter was. And every one of the girls became still and didn’t make a sound again until the boat sank entirely and they were struggling. I called out as loud as I could to the shore where we could see lights moving “Nine people out here in a motor boat sinking. For God’s sake come quick as we are going fast”.

The New Bedford Times later reported that “several of the cottagers heard the shouts for help for several minutes before they realized the trouble.

Details which were reported in the press at the time conflict greatly (the New Bedford Times understatedly recorded that “first reports were confusing”), and it is probably not possible to recreate a definitive account of the events of that evening, though a general outline may be reconstructed. Among the rescuers was Frederick Macy, treasurer of the Soule Mill at New Bedford. Macy who had been standing on the shore of the pond at his cottage in the company of one or both of his sons, Andrew and George, heard the cries for help as did many others along the shore of the pond. Upon realizing the nature of the cries, Macy immediately launched his row boat into the pond. Although some reports would later indicate that the Macy boat was powered by an engine, it is likely that it was not. None of the survivors mentioned any power boats coming to their rescue and in fact were consistent about hearing the sounds of oars approaching them in the darkness.

Macy was reported to have reached the scene quickly though later accounts indicate that the response of rescuers may have been delayed by the darkness of the evening. “It was dark as a pocket on the pond and the sounds were traced with difficulty. The people struggling in the water continued to shout till one after another they sank exhausted.” Without navigation lights, the Farina could not be located easily by either those unfortunate souls who had fallen into the water or by the rescuers.

Among the rescuers of the Farina
survivors was George H. Allen.
Among other boats which were launched was one by George H. Allen of Brockton,and another from the Twin Pine Camp by Benjamin Almond, Walter McAulay and George Hayward of New Bedford.

Not surprisingly, the rescue was conducted amidst much confusion. While one New Bedford newspaper indicated that “practically the entire summer colony knew of the accident within a few minutes after it happened”, the following day it contradicted itself by noting that at least two cottage owners - Mayor Ashley of New Bedford and Daniel W. Baker - were entirely unaware that anything had occurred until after daylight the following morning when presumably the awoke to the sight of men dragging the pond. It is likely that many, in fact, who resided about the pond shared this lack of awareness.

Macy’s was the first boat reported on the scene, and was first noted as finding Dayton, Stevens and Mrs. Raymond floundering in the water, with the two men holding Mrs. Raymond up. “…To them, it is said, she owes her life.”

Mrs. Raymond later recounted her own experience. As the boat began to founder,

someone pushed me into the water and I went down to the bottom. How foolish I thought. I can swim. There is no danger. There were struggling forms a distance away from me, but from then on I forgot the horrible scene. The next thing I realized was when I was picked out of the water and taken into a boat.

Dayton, himself, later stated that Mrs. Raymond had been able to cling to the bow which remained just out of the water.

The whereabouts and condition of another passenger, Miss Attie Hamilton of Taunton, was less clear. One report indicated that she “was sinking for the last time as one of the rescuers reached her side”. This is contradicted by another report which stated that she was unconscious and was seen floating anywhere from “a few feet” to 25 feet from the Farina. Most accounts indicate that when Miss Hamilton was finally pulled into the Macy boat, she “showed no signs of life”.

Rescuers from Twin Pine Camp
included New Bedford residents
Benjamin Almond Walter
MacAulay ad George Hayward.
Macy circled the area where Farina was last seen above the surface until the other rescue boats reached him whereupon he headed back to shore. It is believed that Dayton and Stevens were brought ashore in the Twin Pine Camp boat, Mrs. Raymond in George Allen’s boat and Miss Hamilton in Macy’s boat, though again reports differ.

Once the unconscious Miss Hamilton was brought aboard the Macy boat and that other rescue craft had arrived in the vicinity, Frederick Macy immediately made his way back to shore to his cottage. There Miss Hamilton was brought into the house and placed on a bed. “A very slight indication of life” was observed and attempts were made to revive her.

New Bedford police were the first authorities to be notified, and though it is not reported who at the time initially contacted the New Bedford police department, it was likely a member of Macy’s household as he was a resident of that city. Though Long Pond was well outside the jurisdiction of the New Bedford city police, a force under Sergeant McLeod was immediately dispatched with grappling irons and a pulmotor (an early artificial respirator which forced air into and from the lungs), arriving in under 20 minutes. The pulmotor which was described as “the most modern appliance of the medical profession” was immediately applied to Miss Hamilton, but failed to revive her. “After working over her for a long time it was seen that she was dead.” One later report attributed her death to a weak heart, stating that she died from the shock of the accident rather than drowning.

Meanwhile, the remaining three passengers that had been rescued had been brought ashore where much confusion reigned. Mrs. Macy was “almost too stunned by the tragedy to speak”, though she helped revive Stevens. Another woman, overcome by the scene, reportedly fainted, while yet another rescuer who had gone onto the pond in search of the others became so overcome through his physical exertion that he collapsed in a faint. Among the victims, Dayton and Mrs. Raymond were the first to revive, while Stevens “was in a particularly serious condition” being tended by Mrs. Macy. Given the natural incoherence of the three, “it was some time before a collected story could be learned.”

Initially, in the confusion, the rescuers believed that all of Farina’s passengers had been saved. “Therefore, there was a great consternation when the saved told them that there were six persons unaccounted for. The boats put out again, manned by willing workers who carried lanterns, in the hope of saving other lives. … A score of boats and canoes scoured the surface in the vicinity, hoping against hope that there still might be at least one more member of the party afloat…. They cruised around the pond in vain, however.”

Doctors C. D. Burt of New Bedford, A. G. Weeks of Taunton, J. H. Broadhead of Middleborough and Southworth of Taunton all arrived shortly thereafter. Hampered by the relative darkness, and with no hope of retrieving any further survivors, the pond was not dragged that night, though many of those cottagers who had learned of the tragedy remained on their porches seemingly transfixed by the sight of Farina’s bow which “stood several feet out of the water – a livid tombstone in the pale moonlight – marking the spot where the lives of seven young people were snuffed out in less than that number of minutes.”

If there was any saving grace, it was the fact that an eleventh member, John Egan of New Bedford, was due to have joined the party, but did not. Delayed in the city, Egan arrived at Long Pond after Farina had departed Lewis Island. “Disappointed, he was about to turn about and take the next [trolley] car home when the news of this terrible tragedy reached him.”

Ultimately, the remaining bodies were recovered in the morning, all within twenty minutes, with several residents from surrounding communities assisting in this grim task. “… Clinging to the arms of George Wright of Brockton, the only man to lose his life, were found two women, their desperate clutch unloosened even in death. Close by, their arms locked about each other, were two girls. All the bodies were recovered within a radius of 15 feet.” The recovered bodies were laid out on the shore near the Macy cottage until claimed by New Bedford, Taunton and Middleborough undertakers.

If the report carried six days later in the Middleboro Gazette is correct, the tragedy appears to have been the product of panic in the darkness, for it was reported that Farina did not sink completely and its bow remained above the surface of the pond. The newspaper reported that the bow remained out of the water all night and was marked by a lantern, and “in the morning the bow still floated.” Sadly, the panicking passengers had become separated from the boat and could not relocate it in the darkness. Had they been able to do so, they most likely would have been able to cling to the bow until being rescued. Remarkably, the water was only seven feet deep at the point where the boat foundered.

News of the tragedy immediately attracted curiosity seekers and “hundreds flocked to the scene” at Long Pond. The following day, “ a number of other power boats, skiffs and canoes filled with Summer residents hovered about the scene of the tragedy.”

“Long Pond was a sad place today [August 10]. The victims in the greatest water tragedy the lakes ever knew were personal and intimate friends of many who gathered on the banks. Even hours afterward these friends were stunned and seemed hardly to comprehend what had taken place.”

The Victims

Initially it was believed that Miss Hamilton was the sole victim of the sinking, though the full extent of the tragedy quickly became known, and the victims’ families informed. The New Bedford Standard displayed somewhat perverse pride in noting that it was one of its own reporters who broke the news of the deaths to three of the families

George E. Wright, 22, 1293 Main Street, Brockton
Wright was the most prominent of the victims lost on the Farina, and was the son of Ellery C. Wright, retired junior partner in the shoe last manufacturing firm of Woodward & Wright of Brockton. He had driven his automobile down to Long Pond for the weekend in the company of his fiancée, Miss Haven, where the two were weekend guests at the Joan Cottage on Lewis Island.

Edith G. Haven
Mrs. Edith E. Haven, 21, 67 Copeland Street, Brockton
Engaged to Wright, Mrs. Havens was a guest at the Joan cottage, Lewis Island. She was the estranged wife of Henry G. Haven of Brookline whom she had wed four years previously and whom she had left following only one year of marriage. “It is said that they had not lived together for some time, and that Mrs. Havens planned to get a divorce to marry Wright.” As indicated by this report, her surname was given alternately as Haven and Havens throughout the tragedy’s aftermath. Her husband claimed the remains for burial at Brookline.

Mrs. Emma Boyle

Mrs. Emma Boyle, 28, 156 Washington Street, New Bedford
Mrs. Boyle was one of four female employees of the Sharp Mill, New Bedford, who had planned to come “out for the afternoon to visit friends at Second Island, Long Pond, and return by way of Lakeside Park in the evening.” The girls had intended a weekend of relaxation with an automobile trip to Newport on Sunday in the company of other Sharp Mill operatives. Mrs. Boyle, along with Miss Brown, Miss Sweeney and Miss McCabe were all guests at the Dayton cottage where Mrs. Raymond acted as their chaperone. Much of the subsequent media coverage focused upon the six-year-old daughter Mrs. Boyle left behind.

Miss Mabel Brown, 327 County Street, New Bedford
Miss Brown was an employee of the Sharp Mill, at New Bedford, and the fiancée of Luther M. Dayton.

Miss Annie Sweeney, 18, Grinnell Street, New Bedford
Miss Sweeney was a Sharp Mill operative and guest at the Dayton cottage.

Miss Sadie McCabe, 191 Bonney Street, New Bedford
Miss McCabe was one of the four Sharp Mill employees and a guest at the Dayton cottage. She was the first of the New Bedford victims to be buried, on Tuesday, August 12, from the St. James Church in that city.

Miss Attie Hamilton, 32, 257 Winthrop Street, Taunton
Miss Hamilton was the fiancée of R. James Stevens of Taunton who “refused to be comforted in his grief” when he learned that Miss Hamilton never revived. She was a guest at the Stevens cottage, Lewis Island, and was tragically the second guest of the Stevenses to drown in the pond that summer, Harry R. Chace of Middleborough having lost his life while crossing the channel between the island and the mainland on July 12, 1913.

The Aftermath

New Bedford Times
photographer captured Farina
on the morning of August 10
after it had been raised from
the pond and baled out.
(New Bedford Times, "Bodies of
Six Long Pond Motor Boat
Accident Victims Found",
August 11, 1913).
Also recovered along with the remaining six bodies in the pond was Farina itself. The boat was raised by its owner, Albert Joan, with the assistance of George and Andrew Macy. “… Baled out [it was] found to be apparently in a good condition” a circumstance which would lead to questions regarding the ultimate cause of the tragedy. Dayton, Stevens and Mrs. Raymond all initially indicated a belief that “the bottom had dropped out” of the boat. However, an examination of the craft revealed “only a slight leak around the stuffing box such as [was] common in boats of her type”, and which would account for an intake of what was estimated as no more the “a bucket of day”. The police view was that the craft was too heavily loaded and that water came in over the gunwales. “When the crowd became nervous at [the] sight of the water and shifted positions [to one end of the boat] … the water poured in” causing the boat to sink. Albert Joan, owner of the boat concurred, maintaining that the recovered boat “was no worse than it had been for some time past” and that overloading the boat had caused its sinking.

Ironically both Joan and Dayton admitted to having previously embarked with as many as 12 passengers aboard Farina without incident. Joan, however, indicated that the “strong breeze blowing” on Saturday night would have deterred him from setting out with so many in the boat.

Dayton categorically denied that the boat had been overloaded or that there had been any panic among the members of the party. “I seated the party myself and I know that there were not too many in the boat.”

Dayton indirectly attributed the cause of the accident to Miss Hamilton and a second girl.

Two of the girls who were seated in the stern, Miss Hamilton, and I don’t remember which other, sat up on the back deck instead of in the seat. Now there is a three blade sixteen-inch propeller in the boat, run by a five and a half H. P. Stanley engine and the propeller pulls the stern of the boat way down in the water when the boat is under way. When the girls sat on the stern of the boat they lowered the thing still further. There is a tube under the stern deck through which the rudder post comes. It sticks up supposedly above water level, and there is no packing about it whatever. It is always supposed to be above water and the extra weight on the stern must have submerged it, letting the water in. The water could keep running through there for a long time and accumulate below the deck and the occupants of the boat would never know anything about it. There were probably eight inches of water in the boat by the time we found it and started to pump. The fly wheel began to throw it in the air, so it must have been about eight inches.

Dayton’s explanation seems consistent with the facts as known, and indirectly corroborated the view of the New Bedford police that the loading of the boat had permitted water to pour into the boat.

The photograph depicts Farina in the process of being baled
out on the morning of August 10, 1913.  Despite the poor
quality of the image, the smallness of the craft is clearly
indicated.

Given that the Titanic sinking had occurred only the previous year, comparisons between that ship and Farina were perhaps inevitable. The New Bedford Standard noted that darkness and confusion characterized both tragedies while the Middleboro Gazette mistakenly reported, “like the Titanic, its rear end sank first.” (The Titanic, in fact, had plunged into the ocean bow first).

It is likely that the presence of either life preservers or navigation lights would have helped minimize if not entirely prevented the loss of life. Immediately following the accident, Dayton became an advocate of improved safety measures for craft operating on inland waterways. “If we had had even one preserver we could have saved one more life and if we had been been carrying lights, those who put out to our rescue could have located us minutes sooner than they did.” While the Motor Boat Act of 1910 mandated inspections of recreational and commercial boats, this did not apply to craft less than 40 feet in length. Dayton later issued an even more extensive statement criticizing the failure of boaters on the ponds at Lakeville and elsewhere to consider safety and he proposed that such measures be mandated by law.

If we only could have had a life preserver or two we could have saved them. But there wasn’t a sign of one, there isn’t on any of these boats. And there were no lights on the boat to guide a rescuing party. We heard oars, but the boats didn’t get there as soon as if they had been sure where to go. What a difference a minute would have made. Why doesn’t your paper [The New Bedford Times] start an agitation to have lanterns and life preservers required on inland waters. The United States require it on coast waters, but there isn’t a boat on the lake scarcely, including the big ones that carry parties of thirty people or so from [Lakeside] park that carries life preservers, and very few of them carry lights. This all could have been averted if there had only been life preservers.

Soures:
James H. Creedon newspaper clippings, “Drown in Lake, Power Boat Sinks”, “Boat Swamped by Overloading”, “More Bodies Removed”, Middleborough Public Library

The Evening Standard [New Bedford], “Girls Remained Silent”, August 11, 1913, p.1.

Middleboro Gazette, “Seven Drown in Long Pond”, August 15, 1913, p. 1

New Bedford Times, “Seven Lives Lost When Motorboat Ferina [sic] Suddenly Sinks in Long Pond”, August 10, 1913, p. 1; ibid., “Bodies of Six Long Pond Motor Boat Accident Victims Found”, August 11, 1913, p. 10

New York Times, "Launch Sinks, Seven Drown", August 10, 1913

The Sunday Standard [New Bedford], “Four New Bedford Girls Lose Lives When Seven are Drowned in Long Pond”. August 10, 1913, p. 1

Saturday, April 23, 2011

Woodward's Bridge, c. 1910


Woodward's Bridge and the Taunton River between Middleborough
and Bridgewater, MA, photograph, early 20th century.

On Monday, the Summer Street bridge over the Taunton River between Middleborough and Bridgewater is scheduled to be closed in order to permit its replacement.  Historically, a succession of bridges have been situated over the Taunton River here, all known since at least the early 1800s as Woodward's or Woodard's Bridge.  While the earliest bridge was undoubtedly a wooden or stone slab bridge, the bridge which spanned the river during the 19th and early 20th centuries [pictured above] was an iron truss bridge with a wooden deck and prominent stone piers on either side of the river.  By the early 1900s, this iron bridge had fallen into some disrepair with the deck being replanked in 1911.  Ultimately, in 1924, the present steel and concrete bridge was constructed.  This summer, this bridge too will be replaced.

Monday, April 18, 2011

Downtown Middleborough, 1932



In 1932, downtown Middleborough was a vibrant shopping mecca for both the local community and neighboring towns, as this photograph of Center Street clearly indicates.  Restaurants, grocery stores, other retail operations and professional offices filled the downtown district.  Recognizable businesses captured in the photograph include the Central Cafe, Tripp's Candy Kitchen and Buck's Drugstore (indicated by the "Drugs" sign at the Four Corners).  Conspicuous between the Central Cafe and the Peirce Block is the wood-frame Lincoln Block which would be demolished in 1940.

Sunday, April 10, 2011

Barden Hill Water Tower, 1915


Barden Hill Water Tower, Middleborough, MA, plan, 1914,
from Engineering and Contracting, “Design and Construction
of World’s Highest Reinforced Concrete Water Tower-Tank,
Middleboro, Mass.”, Vol. XLIV, No. 25, December 22, 1915, 473+.

The concrete water tower which formerly stood at the crest of Barden Hill was an engineering landmark, being the first of its kind as well as the tallest reinforced concrete water tower when it was constructed.  In part due to these reasons, the tower was listed on the National Register of Historic Places as part of the Middleborough Water Works Historic District in 1990.  What follows is a description of the Barden Hill water tower published immediately following its construction.  Though somewhat technical in places, the article well documents the tower's construction, as well as its engineering significance.

The present article describes the design features of and methods of constructing the highest reinforced concrete water tank yet built. This structure, which has a capacity of 500,000 gals., was recently built for the city of Middleboro, Mass. The tank has a hemispherical bottom and is supported in a cylindrical tower. The total height of the structure is 172 ft.

Local conditions required the storing of 500,000 gals. Of water at an elevation sufficient to meet the combined demands of domestic and fire service. The most economical type of structure fulfilling the requirements was a tower-tank, an elevated tank supported on a tower, and the only practicable materials for building such a structure are steel and reinforced concrete. A steel tower-tank was estimated to cost about $2,000 less than one of concrete, but the cost and inconvenience of frequently painting it inside and outside, a safe life of not over 30 years, its unsightly appearance, and other considerations made it apparent that if a satisfactory watertight concrete tank could be constructed it was greatly to be preferred to a steel structure. The difficulties, however, of designing and building such a structure, especially of the proportions required, were many and vital. The success or failure of a reinforced concrete water tower-tank, perhaps more than in any other engineering structure, depends to a large degree upon each individual connected with the work from the time the concrete materials are selected until they are placed. With due regard for the difficulties involved it was decided to build the concrete structure here described. The essential details of the design are shown in Fig. 1.

Foundation. – The foundation extends 7 ft. below the finished grade and rests upon a fine, well compacted sand, the safe bearing power of which was determined experimentally by loading a timber set at the elevation of the bottom of the foundation. At a loading of from 1 to 3½ tons per square foot, the settlement was uniform and slight, being only 1/32 in. for each additional ½ ton; but 4 tons per square foot produced a relatively large settlement – 5/32 in. for the last ½ ton. The footing area is such that with the total dead weight of 4,485 tons the soil is compressed to the extent of 2.38 tons per square foot. The wind load was computed from an assumed velocity of 70 miles per hour, the equivalent of 30 lbs. per square foot on a vertical projection of the structure, which with a full tank adds a maximum of 0.68 tons, thereby giving a total maximum pressure of 2.96 tons per square foot. Although the resultant of the wind pressure is slightly more than doubled with an empty tank, it is more than offset by the reduction in the dead-weight of the water, so that the maximum mentioned represents the worst condition.

Tower. – A cylindrical tower was adopted in preference to a number of columns, because structurally it seemed a safer type of support, would probably be more economical to construct and could be made to present a more pleasing appearance. Considerable study was given to the architectural side of the problem in order to produce a moderate cost a structure that would be, to some extent at least, an addition to the landscape. The completed structure is shown in Fig. 2. The plain aspect of the simple cylinder is relieved by the addition of twelve 4 x 24 in. pilasters, which were assumed to take their proportion of the load. The appearance of solidity at the bottom is accomplished by a concrete seat extending around the base of the tower. A balcony of reinforced concrete with bracket supports, paneled posts and railing, the floor of which is 108 ft. above the ground, furnishes a suitable point of vantage for inspecting the outside of the tank and provides a visual starting point for the tank proper. The thickness of the tower wall between the pilasters is 10 ins. And the greatest compression due to the dead load is 483 lbs. per square inch, increased to 631 lbs. by a 70 mile gale. Entrance to the tower is through an iron door. Light and ventilation are provided by means of twelve windows, three of which are arranged to open. An iron ladder within the tower leads from the ground to the balcony through an opening in the wall of the tower at the elevation of the balcony floor. Another iron ladder on the outside of the tank connects the balcony with the roof above. A 16-in. cast-iron flanged pipe with expansion joint, rises from the ground and enters the tank at its center. A 8-in. overflow and drain discharges at a safe distance from the tower.

Tank. – The tank proper, 41 ft. in inside diameter and having a depth of water at its center of 59 ft., has a capacity of slightly over 500,000 gals. The bottom of the tanks is a hemispherical bowl hung at its rim from the wall of the tower, and marks the first application of this type of bottom to an elevated concrete tank, although for many years it has been used with success in elevated steel tanks. The bowl itself has a capacity of 125,000 gals. The vertical wall of the tank varies in thickness from 10 ins. At the top to 16 ins. At the bottom and the hemispherical bowl from 18 ins. At its connection with the tank wall to 14 ins. At its center. The thickness of concrete is such that without any assistance from the steel reinforcement its stress in tension is about 250 lbs. per square inch. The tensile stress in the steel acting independently is approximately 14,000 lbs. per square inch; and with both materials acting in conjunction the computed stresses are 215 and 2,150 lbs. The tanks is covered to guard against the growth of algae, not uncommon in a filtered water supply exposed to light, and to prevent freezing. The roof is a concrete dome 4 ins. Thick, 41 ft. in diameter and with a rise of 4 ft. at the center. The thrust is carried by steel reinforcement embedded in the top of the tank wall.

Concrete. – Whitehall cement from the Whitehall Portland Cement Co.’s mill at Cementon, Pa., was used throughout the work. Sampling and testing was done by the New England Bureau of Tests of Boston, samples being taken as loaded on the cars which were then sealed. The tests of the 12 carloads required, aggregating 8,100 bags, were unusually uniform and satisfactory, especially for the essential qualities of strength, fineness of grinding and slow initial set. The sand and coarse aggregate were obtained from a gravel pit about 1¼ miles distant, screened by hand at the pit to give the sizes required. The sand was tested for tensile strength as compared with standard Ottawa sand and gave an average of 112½ per cent thereof. The gravel stones were washed to remove a slight coating of clay and cemented sand. The proportions of the concrete for the foundation are 1 of cement, 2½ of sand and 5 of gravel stone; for the tower 1:2:4; for the hemispherical bottom and wall of the tank to elevation 279, 1:1:2; from elevation 279 to 293, 1:1½:3; and above elevation 293, including the dome roof, 1:2:4. The relative amounts of sand and stone were somewhat varied to provide the densest practical mix, the percentage of cement to the sum of the aggregates, however, remaining as stated. The amount of concrete used in the work was 1,120 cu. yds.

Steel Reinforcement. – “Havemeyer,” round, deformed, open hearth, hard grade reinforcing rods furnished by the Concrete Steel Company of New York, and bent at the rolling mills, were used in the structure. These were tested at the Carnegie mills by the New England Bureau of Tests, a large proportion of which were 1¼ in. and developed an ultimate tensile strength of 120,000 lbs. per rod. Laps were 40 diameters and in addition each joint in the tanks was secured by two cable clips. The horizontal rods of the tank were firmly secured in their true position to 16 vertical 3-in. channels drilled to the exact spacing for the rods. A total of 160,000 lbs. of steel reinforcement were embedded in the concrete. The foundation reinforcement is shown in Fig. 3 and the reinforcement in the bottom of the tank in Fig. 4.

Forms. – Steel forms made by the Blaw Steel Construction Co. of New York were used for the outside surface of the tower and tank, as shown in Fig. 5. Two complete rings were provided, each 4 ft. in height, at a total cost of $600. Two 4-ft. rings of wooden forms were used in the inside at a first cost of $400. The use of steel forms was justified both on account of a considerable saving in time and expense in erection and because of the resulting smooth, dense surface, requiring very little finishing and less susceptible to the action of the elements, The hemispherical bottom was cast between forms consisting of wooden ribs covered with sheet iron.

Joint Between Old and New Concrete. – For the tower, in order to secure a bond between the successive rings of concrete, the forms were overfilled about ¼ in., which surplus containing the laitance was screeded off previous to the initial set of the concrete, following which as soon as the final set occurred the surface was wire-brushed to expose slightly the stones and immediately before placing fresh concrete, washed with a hose stream and coated with a neat cement grout. For the tank, in addition to the above precautions which were carried out with especial care, , there was cast in the old concrete a continuous triangular groove, about 1½ ins. In depth, running around the wall near its center and subsequently filled with grout and concrete; to still further minimize the chances of leakage at each horizontal joint an uncoated steel plate or dam of No. 14 gage metal 10 ins. Wide, turned over 1 in. at each edge to form a channel and bolted together to form a continuous watertight stop, was embedded 4 ins. Into the old work, thus leaving 4 ins. Extending up for a bond with the new concrete. The cost of 12 channel rings in place was about $400.

Progress of Work. – Ground for the foundation was broken on April 26, 1915. After the excavation was completed the earth was wetted and thoroughly compacted by rammers, following which a 2-in. layer of concrete was placed over the entire surface to serve as a working base for the erection of the steel reinforcement and as a suitable medium upon which to place concrete. All concrete was mixed in a 15 cu. ft. Smith mixer operated by steam and discharging into a bucket elevator which at the desired height was tripped and dumped into a receiving hopper, whence it was conveyed by gravity through a sheet steel chute to a central distributing hopper, and finally by means of eight movable wooden chutes was deposited between the forms around the circumference. A view of the concreting plant is shown in Fig. 6.

The concrete materials were brought to the mixer in dump cars running on an inclined industrial railway and pulled up the incline by a cable attached to a drum of the hoisting engine. The average rate of progress on the tower was a 4-ft. ring each alternate day, with a marked increase in efficiency as the work advanced. The actual time required for concreting was about 4 hours to each 4-ft. section. The bottom of the tank, including 4 ft. of the wall immediately above the tower was poured continuously. Concreting began at 5 a. m. on Sept. 9, and the last batch was deposited at 4 a. m. the following day, during which time about 130 cu. yds. Of 1:1:2 concrete were placed. Five days elapsed before the following section was in place and two more days before the succeeding ring was concreted. Four days were then spent in preparing for future operations, so that when concreting began again on the fifth day, the following eight successive lifts were made in nine days and it was only due to a violent gale of about 70 miles per hour that operations had to be suspended for one day. The roof of the tank was poured on Oct. 13.

Watertightness. – As soon as the forms were removed from the inside of the tank and the staging from around the outside, the surfaces were cleaned and so far have received no further treatment, although after the tank has been fully tested and accepted as satisfactorily watertight, the question of waterproofing the inside and damp-proofing the outside surface will be considered. Coincident with the removal of the outside staging around the tower, the surface was cleaned and washed with a brush coat of neat cement grout, mixed in the proportion of 1 of cement to 1 of water. The cost of cleaning and coating the 14,000 sq. ft. of surface was $64, or about 0.46 ct. per square foot. In connection with the subject of watertightness, the following clause from the specifications may be of interest:

The concrete in the bottom and wall of the tank shall be substantially water tight at all times. Any leakage amounting to jets or visible seepage shall be repaired by and at the expense of the contractor and by methods approved by the engineer. Small damp spots, if few in number, which do not increase nor disfigure the appearance of the concrete, will be considered to meet the requirements hereunder. It is intended that the work shall be sufficiently waterproof that severe freezing will not at any future time threaten the integrity of the concrete and that the general appearance of the structure will not suffer through efforescence or other disfiguring stains.

The work, including grading and cleaning up, is now completed, and it is hoped that water may be turned into the mains on January 1. The static hydrant pressure with a full tank will be 84 lbs. in the higher residential area, 104 lbs. in the low district along the Nemasket River, reduced by about 20 lbs. by frictional losses during an ordinary fire. For the year 1914 the population supplied with water was 5,000 and the average daily consumption was 320,000 gals., so a storage equal to a 36-hour demand is provided by the new tank.

Acknowledgment.
The structure here described was designed by Mr. George A. Sampson, Civil Engineer, Boston, Mass. The contract was executed by the Hennebique Construction Co. of New York City. The contract price was $23,140. Mr. Thomas F. Dorsey, representing Mr. Sampson, was resident engineer in direct charge of the construction work. Mr. Alvin C. Howes is chairman of the Board of Water Commissioners and is Superintendent of Water Works at Middleboro. The information here given is from a paper by Mr. Geo. A. Sampson before the December meeting of the New England Water Works Association.

Source:
Engineering and Contracting, “Design and Construction of World’s Highest Reinforced Concrete Water Tower-Tank, Middleboro, Mass.”, Vol. XLIV, No. 25, December 22, 1915, 473+.